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| BOOK EXCERPT The Car That Could The Inside Story of GM's Revolutionary Electric Vehicle By Michael
Shnayerson
Time and Again
The vision of a
practical electric car had floated like a poltergeist through the upper
echelons of GM for decades. Billy Durant, GM's founder, was still buying
up every available maker of horseless carriages in Michigan and beyond to
make his unwieldy empire even bigger when the company, in 1912, produced
an electric-powered truck. No thought was given at the time to the
salubrious effects of electric vehicles on the air; the air was clean. The
plan, instead, was to challenge gas-powered trucks. By then, as it turned
out, the internal-combustion engine had all but ended the first golden era
of the electric automobile.
Inventors had tinkered with battery-run cars since the 1840s, but the
golden era, and the struggle for dominance between gas- and
electric-powered cars, had begun in earnest at noon on June 11, 1895. That
was when twenty-two horseless carriages set off from Versailles along
France's poplar-bordered Route Nationale, headed from Paris to Bordeaux
and back, for a widely publicized round-trip race of more than 700 miles.
Most were fueled by gasoline, a few by steam, two by lead acid batteries.
Charles Jeantaud, a Parisian carriage maker, drove an electric-powered
surrey all the way to Bordeaux, exchanging battery packs along the way at
prearranged stops; had he not suffered a hot rear bearing, he might have
finished the course. Camille Jentzy's bullet-shaped "La Jamais Contente"
took an early lead at 65 miles per hour, but discharged its batteries in
less than an hour. Eight gasoline-powered and one steam-powered car made
it back to the finish line; the winning car, gasoline fueled, rolled to
the finish in 48 hours and 48 minutes, having traveled at an average speed
of 14.4 miles per hour.
Though the race made clear their limited range, electrics were soon
being produced with great success, particularly in America. Gas cars were
loud, smoke-belching brutes whose cranks could snap up and knock a man
senseless. Besides, they had gas, stored in tanks, right under a driver's
seat. "You can't get people to sit on an explosion," observed Colonel
Albert Pope, the largest maker of electric cars of the late 1890s. Steam
cars were prone to explosions, too. Electrics were silent and clean, they
had no cranks, and they ran slowly but reliably on city streets, which
made them especially appealing to women--wealthy women whose husbands
could buy them an electric for the small fortune of $3,000 so that they
could more comfortably view the great houses of Newport, or shop along
Broadway's Miracle Mile. Playing to that market, carmakers outfitted their
newest models with running boards for liveried footmen, leather and
brocade interiors, and cut-glass flower vases.
The electrics' range--few went more than 50 miles on a charge--grew
more annoying as roads began to extend from the cities and touring became
the new American adventure. Spare cans of fuel could be stowed aboard a
gas car; electrics were too fragile for dirt roads, there was nowhere to
plug them in, and recharging took a whole day. Touring was also very much
a male endeavor, and the roar of gas cars, their ruggedness, even the
challenge of cranking them were part of the sport. Advertisements for
electrics stressed their appeal to women, and for this reason too, men
eschewed them.
Still, for some time the outcome was unclear. In 1900, more electrics
were sold in America than gas-powered cars. Despite the vogue for the
latter, electrics were widely assumed to be the car of the future--as soon
as their range problems could be resolved. So confident was Thomas Edison
of their potential superiority that at the peak of his success, in his
early fifties, he devoted a decade of his life and most of his fortune to
a search for more effective battery elements than lead and acid. The
nickel and iron pairing he settled on failed in cars, but led to the
nickel and cadmium batteries in universal use today in flashlights and a
hundred other devices.
In retrospect, the race was lost in 1908 when Henry Ford's Model T
rolled off the first automotive assembly line at a working man's price of
$850. Overnight, the Model T created a vast new market. Until 1912,
electrics held their own smaller, high-end market. That year, though,
Charles "Boss" Kettering's electric starter replaced Cadillac's crank. As
its use spread to other models, even rich ladies found gas cars preferable
to electrics. One by one, the electric carmakers of the day--Woods, Baker,
Studebaker, Columbia, and others--sold their last models, mostly to
stubborn dowagers who used them to ride in elegant silence the private
roads of their great estates. As for GM's electric truck, sold with either
lead acid or Edison's nickel-and-iron batteries, it was pulled out of
production in 1916.
As old electrics languished in museums, the gas-powered automobile had
a more profound effect on the world than any other invention of the
twentieth century. Airplanes, telephones, and television might seem
greater marvels, but the car redefined society itself. In America, it
transformed established East Coast cities; forced a national network of
roads; created suburbia; shaped the newer cities of the West; moved goods;
accounted for 40 percent of the gross national product with a matrix of
materials and processes unrivaled in their number and complexity; employed
one in seven citizens and, not least, gave Americans most of their
greatest pleasures: mobility, speed, fast food, drive-ins, the promise of
freedom, and backseat romance.
By the late 1960s, though, smog had entered the language and settled
ominously over America's cities, and automobiles were to blame for
two-thirds of it. Over the next two decades, cars became nearly 95 percent
cleaner, due to increasingly stringent state and federal standards. Yet
ever more of them took to the roads, so that gains in air quality began to
seem ephemeral while the country's addiction to foreign oil grew with
alarming implications. In Southern California, where smog was at its
worst, engineers, policy makers, and politicians struggled with how to
resolve the dilemma. In January 1987, a few were startled to get help from
a man who seemed more a part of the problem than the solution.
The inter-office envelope sent from Roger Smith's office in Detroit one
early January day in 1987 to Howard Wilson, a vice president at GM-owned
Hughes Aircraft in Los Angeles, contained an invitation passed along from
Australia. No note was appended to it, not even a scrawled word or two to
indicate how Smith might feel about the enclosed. But Wilson would have
warmed to it however it arrived.
The invitation was to join a first-time race across Australia, from
north to south, Darwin to Adelaide, by purely solar-powered cars. While
solar cars might never find a practical use--not even the most efficient
solar cells imaginable would ever generate enough electricity to power a
two-ton pickup--the race might show that the future for electric cars,
designed more efficiently from what could be learned on solar cars, and
packed with enough batteries to propel themselves without benefit of the
sun, could be closer to a reality than most of the world imagined.
Close to retirement, Wilson was one of those rare older men who delight
in the future, envisioning technological marvels without seeming to worry
that they themselves might not be there to witness them. A solar car race
intrigued him; it might also help him do the job he'd volunteered to take
on eighteen months before when General Motors bought Hughes Aircraft from
the Howard Hughes Medical Institute for $5.7 billion. Despite Roger
Smith's boast of the deal as a "lulu," GM's latest acquisition had come
under harsh scrutiny from analysts and shareholders who asked what GM
could gain by buying Hughes just as the aerospace industry was declining.
Smith talked excitedly of space-age technology that might be transferred
to automobiles, but no such transfer yet seemed apparent between a
military contractor that spent billions on a single satellite, and a
company that made cars by the millions. That was the job that Hughes's
chairman and CEO Malcolm Currie had given Wilson: to see where the
transfers might be.
A handmade solar car would be a far cry from putting Hughes technology
into a new Chevrolet. But it would send the right signal, send it fast,
and cost relatively little. Of course, GM's top executives would have to
be assured a GM-Hughes solar car could win. Wilson thought he could make a
pretty good case for optimism. Hughes made solar cell panels for
satellites; no other company in the world knew the technology better. A
lot of work, too, had been done at Hughes with batteries. Not with the
everyday, lead acid variety, but with high-energy silver zinc packs.
Silver zinc was too expensive and short-lived a battery pairing to be a
serious prospect for cars, but for one very light car, in one six-day
race, it might do the trick.
What Wilson needed was a skunkworks--a small, dedicated team outside
the walls of either GM or Hughes that would know how to design and build a
solar car, get it to the race on time, and win. One name kept coming up as
Wilson checked around: AeroVironment, a small R&D firm in the San
Gabriel valley founded by Paul MacCready.
Among engineers, MacCready was legend, a modern-day Wright brother and
Leonardo da Vinci in one unassuming package. A Cal Techie whose
fascination with aerodynamics had at one point pushed him to become the
world's soaring champion, MacCready in 1977 had designed the Gossamer
Condor, a pilot-pedaled flying machine of aluminum tubing, balsa wood,
piano wire, and space-age plastic wrap, and sent it into the air to win an
international prize for sustained human-powered flight. Two years later, a
pilot had pedaled MacCready's Gossamer Albatross across the English
Channel; in 1981, his sun-powered Solar Challenger had flown back the
other way. By then, MacCready had been named Engineer of the Century by
the American Society of Mechanical Engineers. As it turned out, one of
MacCready's best young engineers, Alec Brooks, had toyed with entering the
Australian race himself, but realized he hadn't the funds to pursue it. He
was very interested. And so was MacCready.
Emboldened, Wilson flew to Detroit one day in early March. Lloyd Reuss,
as newly named head of North American car operations, was the man he had
to win over. Brimming with enthusiasm, Wilson made his pitch. Reuss
listened, said little, sat back, and frowned. "I don't see what a car race
in Australia has to do with selling cars in the United States," he said.
He was afraid GM would have to pass.
As Wilson left, chagrined, he noticed Bob Stempel at his desk in the
adjacent office. Stempel had just been promoted to executive vice
president of Truck and Bus, a title that included GM's overseas business.
Perhaps, thought Wilson, GM's Australian operation, Holdens, might find
more reason to back a solar car. Blithely, he asked if Stempel had a
couple of minutes to spare, slipped in, and shut the door behind him.
Fifteen minutes later, he emerged with Stempel's approval to spend $75,000
on a three-week feasibility study.
What, he wondered later, might have happened if Stempel had been away
on business that day? Nothing, he felt, at least nothing in the manner and
timing of what did happen. No Sunraycer, no Impact, no California mandate,
no worldwide race to build electric cars.
Paul MacCready was the first to say he knew nothing about the auto
industry in March 1987. Nor, for that matter, did any of the young
engineering zealots he gathered to consider Wilson's challenge in the
glass-walled offices of AeroVironment. But whatever design they chose
would have more in common with MacCready's human-powered flying machines
than anything out of Detroit. Like them, it would have to be as
lightweight and aerodynamic as possible to make the greatest use of a
modest energy source. Almost none of the materials used on a gas car would
have any relevance here; all would be too heavy. Nor would any of the
vehicle shapes that the team began to consider bear any similarity to
standard automobiles.
Alec Brooks, assigned to head up the study, shared MacCready's love of
aerodynamics and energy-efficient vehicles. A slightly built, intense
introvert with two degrees in civil engineering, he had graduated from
building model airplanes to sailplanes and extra-light bicycles. Brooks
was MacCready's protégé. There were those who would say the two even
looked like father and son, each so diffident, so cerebral, daydreaming in
theoretical abstractions but building their visions as vehicles that rode,
or flew, or in the case of Brooks's Flying Fish, skimmed pedal driven
across the waves as the world's fastest human-powered watercraft.
Brooks knew that in the short history of solar cars, most had relied on
some form of direct-current motor to channel the sun's energy to the
wheels. The sun's energy was converted by solar cells into direct-current
electricity that could be stored in a battery and simply passed to the
motor as needed. But DC motors used so-called brushes--bits of carbon on
either side of a copper cylinder called a commutator--that created
friction, limited motor speed, and led to wear and tear.
Newer alternating-current motors did away with the brushes and
commutator. Instead, current could be fed by electronic switches: no
friction, far greater speed. AC motors were also lighter than their DC
counterparts. The catch was that the DC current from the batteries had to
be inverted, or "chopped," into alternating current for the motor. Whether
an inverter could be made to do this for a solar car was unclear.
Inverters to date were heavy things that sat on factory floors and enabled
robots or machine tools to operate at variable speeds by supplying them
with variable amounts of AC. A few small inverters had been attempted for
electric cars--an engineer at GM named Paul Agarwal had made one in the
1960s for an EV called the Electrovair. But electronics then had been
crude and too expensive, and Agarwal had given up in disgust. Brooks
needed a new perspective, from some young, brash engineer not afraid to
think creatively. For that, he knew just whom to call.
Brooks had first met Alan Cocconi at Cal Tech, where the two spent much
of their time in the university workshop, Brooks building human-powered
motion machines, Cocconi crafting ever more ambitious, remote-controlled
planes. As a student, Cocconi had earned mediocre grades. After college,
he had worked as a freelance consultant in analog electronics,* acquiring
neither fame nor wealth. Yet among the engineers of AeroVironment,
Cocconi's was the mind to match. In analog electronics he seemed to have
no equal. In any other field of engineering, all he needed was a bit of
time to quiz the resident experts before getting up to speed. He wasn't a
team player, and to Brooks's annoyance, would not be persuaded to join
AeroVironment full-time, or even to take an office there. But as a
freelancer, he was willing to help.
Cocconi thought he could design a DC to AC inverter light enough for
Sunraycer. He thought he could make it work in reverse, too, to employ a
nifty concept called regenerative braking. When the driver took his foot
off the accelerator and the wheels began to slow, they would feed
mechanical energy back into the motor, which now turned in reverse, acting
as a generator. The generator would send the energy as AC electricity back
through the inverter, which reformed it as DC and stored it in the battery
pack. Regen, as the engineers called it, thus recouped energy even while
acting as a brake. Sunraycer would need front disc brakes as well, but
most of the braking could be regen.
On March 26, Brooks, MacCready, and Wilson went to Detroit to present
their design for a solar car utterly unlike the awkward,
flat-panel-on-wheels kind that had dominated solar races of the past.
Theirs was teardrop-shaped, which made it far more aerodynamic, with a
Cocconi invention called a peak power tracker that enabled the car's
batteries and motor to draw optimum power from even those solar cells not
fully exposed to the sun.
Bob Stempel, whose vote would decide the matter, had a revealing
reaction to it. To him, the strongest appeal of the Sunraycer project was
as a teaching tool. Why not make two cars, he suggested, one for the race,
one as backup; twice as many schoolchildren could see it when the race was
done. Brooks breathed a sigh of relief. That was the kind of question he
wanted to hear.
When the twenty-three entries rolled off at the starting gun through
the streets of Darwin on November 1, Sunraycer almost immediately took the
lead with a speed of 60 miles per hour and never surrendered it. By the
sixth day, as Sunraycer streaked across the finish line in Adelaide, it
could claim to have had no breakdowns other than the fully expected stops
for three flat tires. Indeed, MacCready would conclude that the car's one
design flaw was too few flats. If the team had used tires with thinner
tread, he reckoned, the diminished rolling friction would have shaved an
hour from Sunraycer's finishing time of 44 hours and 54 minutes, more than
compensating for a half dozen more tire-changing stops of about two
minutes each. Such were the modest regrets in a nearly perfect race, run
at an average speed of 41.6 miles per hour and bisecting a continent on
the energy equivalent of five gallons of gasoline.
Sunraycer lent a sheen of technological daring to a carmaker widely
viewed as stodgy. It toured hundreds of schools before finding a permanent
place in the Smithsonian Institute. And that, given the unfeasibility of
ever producing a practical solar car, was that, as far as most GM officers
were concerned. To AeroVironment's young engineers, however, Sunraycer was
merely the prelude, the test that could lead to the larger project GM
might be induced to fund while the good feelings glowed: a concept
electric car.
What AeroVironment's Alec Brooks had in mind was a sporty two-seater
built from the ground up to be lighter and more nimble than any electric
vehicle of the past. A car that could use a more powerful version of the
solar car's inverter and AC motor, and accommodate a battery pack that had
the power to propel a lifesized electric vehicle as fast or faster than a
gas-powered car, as well as the energy to make it go more than 100 miles.
Brooks already knew an EV could be designed to be far more efficient than
a gas car--using 90 percent of its energy, versus a gas car's 15--25
percent. Because it had no engine, and had far fewer moving parts, it also
would need far less maintenance: no oil changes or tune-ups, no broken
hoses or radiators to refill. And powered by electronics and an electric
motor, its life might be far longer than a gas car's--perhaps ten or
twenty years. Brooks, for one, had no doubts about his ultimate goal: to
prove that EVs of the future could be not only cleaner than gas cars but
in most respects better; even, some day, cheaper.
In early 1988, Wilson and Brooks flew to Michigan to float the idea
they had taken to calling Project Santana, for the Santa Ana winds which
blow smog out of the Los Angeles basin. They saw it as a potential
skunkworks, to be kept secret from all but those who had to know. That
way, if it failed, GM wouldn't be publicly embarrassed. Next to Stempel,
the most important ally to recruit was Don Runkle, who had helped oversee
Sunraycer from Detroit. When Brooks explained that he hoped to make an
electric vehicle that accelerated from 0--60 miles per hour in eight
seconds, Runkle's eyes lit up.
"Now that would throw down the gauntlet, wouldn't it?" Runkle said. "No
little incremental gains, just flat out for double or triple the mark."
Even if the car remained a one-time experiment, it would still silence the
cynics who jeered that EVs would never perform better than golf carts. How
would Brooks get the drag coefficient down, Runkle wanted to know? How
would he shave the tires' rolling resistance? The Californians talked and,
with a growing sense of excitement, Runkle listened.
Runkle was the one who told Wilson and Brooks, perhaps a bit
cavalierly, to talk to Baker to learn what they could from his ill-fated
effort to launch the Electrovette. The man they met for dinner was huge,
dressed in an extra-wide pinstripe suit. He told them about the day he
took a GM vice president for a test ride in an Electrovette prototype.
"Transmission got stuck," Baker said, wincing at the memory. "I had to
walk a mile and a half back to the office with this VP cussing me out the
whole time." He didn't miss EVs at all.
Still, Baker understood how critical recent advances in electronics
might be, and offered to serve as an informal advisor. He told the
California engineers why they should design their car with a tunnel of
batteries down the middle, rather than packaging them in the rear. He
explained why front-wheel drive would let them do more with regen braking
than rear-wheel drive. Privately, he was intrigued that Runkle had sent
them to him. If Runkle thought he was going to shunt Baker off to GM's
next hapless stab at EVs, he should think again. Baker had lost enough
career mileage as it was. He didn't need to make the same mistake twice.
Baker and Runkle agreed that Brooks was right to go with lead acid
batteries. If the point of this project was to prove that EVs were
feasible, lead acid was still the only practical, producible battery
pairing around. In government and university labs around the country,
battery developers were still playing with Baker's old nemesis, zinc. They
were also playing with nickel-based batteries, and sodium sulfur, with
lithium polymer and lithium ion and a hundred other pairings. All looked
promising. All had looked promising for ten or twenty years. All claimed
lifetimes of 1,000 cycles--1,000 times they could be discharged down to 20
percent of their capacity--and amazing energy, and even better power. All
remained one-of-a-kind temptations, made by hand at mind-boggling cost,
seemingly as far from production and a commercial market as cold fusion.
Lead acid worked, it was cheap, and a lead acid--powered EV could, in
theory, go very fast indeed. Unfortunately, the science of lead acid
batteries had progressed hardly at all since 1859, when Gaston Plante
immersed lead plates in diluted sulfuric acid and proved he could conduct
current repeatedly through them. Plante had positively charged one of his
plates, making it lead oxide. The other was simply lead, which had a
negative charge. His breakthrough was to create a flow of electrons from
the negative plate, up out of the battery as electricity, then to feed the
flow back into the battery, making the world's first rechargeable, or
secondary, battery. Lead acid was reliable. But the chemistry of how it
charged and discharged had seemed to defy improvement ever since.
In a gas car, at least, the chemistry of lead acid had long since
ceased to be an issue. A gas car used only one battery, the battery was
used only for an instant, and its current was quickly replenished by the
generator that pulled energy from the engine and turned it back into
electricity. In an electric vehicle, however, far greater demands were
made of batteries. Instead of just starting an engine, they had to keep
the car running. By the end of a 50-mile ride, they were deeply, if not
entirely, discharged, which caused enormous stress to the electrodes and
might quickly destroy them. Theoretically, an EV could cost far less to
operate than a gas car: about 2.2 cents per mile in electricity, rather
than 5 or 6 cents per mile for a gas-fueled car. But those savings would
go out the window if an EV's battery pack proved short-lived.
Then there was the problem of gas. A flooded lead acid battery--one
that used a liquid electrolyte of water and acid to conduct its
electrons--released, as it discharged, hydrogen molecules that fizzed up
like Alka-Seltzer bubbles and emerged as gas. A bit of space had to be
allowed for that gas in the battery above the plates; and after some time,
as the gas kept escaping, the battery's water, of which the hydrogen was
one element, diminished and had to be replaced. Not long ago, drivers had
had to water their batteries every few thousand miles. Now batteries were
advertised as maintenance-free. In fact, the process was simply occurring
at a much slower rate, so that the battery would not have to be opened
during its "life" as a starter battery in a car.
Not so the batteries in an EV. Drastically discharged as they were,
time after time, they also gave off more hydrogen and oxygen than starter
batteries, and so had to be watered. Bob Bish, the battery expert from
GM-owned Delco Remy who flew out to meet with Brooks and his team,
explained that every EV battery engineer had experimented with automatic
watering systems. They were, as Bish put it, a plumber's nightmare,
freezing in winter, getting gunked up with acid. Electric cars had to have
maintenance-free batteries, and with flooded lead acid that just wasn't
possible.
There was an answer, but it hadn't been tried with electric cars, and
remained in a fairly experimental stage. This was the gas recombinant
battery. It was still lead acid, but instead of using a flooded liquid
electrolyte, the electrolyte was absorbed into sponge-like glass and fiber
mats between its plates. The recombinant battery no longer required any
space above the plates for the gas to vent and the liquid electrolyte to
reform. That meant batteries could be more densely packed and take up less
space. A good thing, Bish realized when he studied Brooks's specs. Brooks
wanted 900 pounds of batteries to give the car the acceleration and speed
he wanted; Bish ran some figures and saw he could only fit 843 pounds in
the space allotted.
Bish still had no idea if recombinant batteries would work in an
electric car, or if they did, whether they would work reliably over time.
He did know that even in theory there was only one way to pack thirty-two
batteries with enough power to get the car from 0--60 in eight seconds.
Bish had to devise the densest lead acid battery the world had ever seen.
On a hot July day in 1988, Brooks and Wilson flew to Detroit to deliver
presentations to all the top executives who would judge whether to fund
the secret Santana Project. This was the summer so unremittingly hot it
seemed apocalyptic. The greenhouse effect seemed all too real, the world
all too fragile. Yet within his chairman's office, Roger Smith told his
fellow officers he thought GM should pass on the project. Sunraycer had
already provided all the PR GM needed in that department; why fund another
one-of-a-kind car that wouldn't be produced?
Fervently, in the ensuing weeks, Stempel and vice chairman Don Atwood
worked on him. Atwood, who at Delco Systems had helped design an early
version of the inertial navigation system used on Apollo spacecraft, was
especially persuasive; the electronics would work, he said, and eventually
their cost would come down. Finally, in September, Smith gave the project
his reluctant blessing, along with a budget of some $3 million and a
fifteen-month deadline.
Now, around the AeroVironment team, the supporting cast changed. Hughes
all but dropped out because the car would have no solar panels and because
the one chunk of electronics it might need created, the inverter, Cocconi
insisted on doing himself. Delco Remy, based in Indiana, became a new
player because of the batteries. So did--with no small amount of resulting
tension--GM's Advanced Concepts Center in nearby Newbury Park, California,
to design the electric car's body.
The ACC was set up out in car-crazy California for the express purpose
of encouraging its designers to shuck Rust Belt convention and indulge
their creative muses. To Brooks's dismay, the very notion of an electric
car fired the designers with visions of swooping curves and futuristic
grilles. They sounded almost New Age-y as they spoke of design in terms of
feeling; first came the feeling, then the shape. Aerodynamics, as far as
Brooks could see, played no part in their designs at all.
First the ACC designers drew up a car that had wheels in huge
protruding pods. Then they tried one with a long pointed tail. They tried
rocket ship looks and barracuda looks. They made a cockpit that looked
like that of a fighter plane. The one that most shocked Brooks had only
two wheels--down the middle--with airplane-like landing struts on either
side. For each design the GM designers made a small-scale clay model and
tested its drag coefficient in the wind tunnel of nearby Cal Tech.*
Brooks's goal for the car was 0.19, a drag similar to that of an F-16
fighter jet. Invariably, the studio's designs came in way above that.
Disgusted, the AeroVironment team began working up covert designs of
its own. When the GM studio designers learned of the counterdesigns they
grew so outraged that Don Runkle was forced to fly out to California to
shake up the troops. There would not be two cars, he declared. There would
be either one, agreed upon by both sides, or none. Runkle told Brooks that
the AeroVironment designs looked terrible. But he agreed the car would
have to have a better drag coefficient than any of the studio's designs to
date.
With that, the design team glumly set about making the best of Brooks's
aerodynamic demands and came up with the most successful design yet: a
teardrop that did score 0.19. Its bottom lay only 5 inches from the ground
and was sheathed by a bellypan like a turtle's that helped sweep onrushing
air past it. Bellypans were hardly high tech, but carmakers had never used
them before; with no premium on efficiency, they simply hadn't bothered.
The pan could also be completely sealed because the car had no exhaust
pipe. Above, air split by the car flowed smoothly along a sharply tapered
rear, made possible because the rear wheels were set nine inches closer
together than the front ones.
Cocconi, meanwhile, worked obsessively at home, month after month,
designing and building the car's inverter--its electronic heart.
Technically, he was building two inverters, one for each 50-kilowatt
motor--the prospect of constructing a single 100-kilowatt inverter had
daunted even him--though the two would be packaged in one attaché-like
case. In a sense, these were simply scaled-up versions of Sunraycer's
inverter. But in addition to handling far more power to push a far heavier
car, they had to be capable of instant fluctuations of current as the car
sped up or slowed down. The solar car, by contrast, ran mostly at the
cruising speed it could achieve by gleaning maximum power from the sun.*
Though Cocconi was using standard electronic processes and parts--a
computer to design his maze-like circuit boards, then resistors,
capacitors, and other electronic pieces he attached to the boards
himself--no one had ever devised such an intricate yet compact and
lightweight inverter before. When it was done, his one-of-a-kind case
would weigh all of 61 pounds.
Cocconi labored over the inverter alone in a mustard-yellow ranch house
on a middle-class suburban street in Glendora, a short drive from
AeroVironment in the San Gabriel valley. From the street, the house
appeared no different from its neighbors, though the proliferation of
yellowing supermarket circulars by the front door suggested an
absentminded resident within. Through the back door, which Cocconi
favored, lay a sunroom filled with circuit boards, its bookcases crammed
with electronic parts, its ceiling hung with model planes and helicopters.
The sweat work was done back in the shed, where Cocconi kept two milling
machines, a lathe, and a bending brake, among other heavy machinery,
mostly to bend and cut metal.
The comforts of ordinary homes held no more interest for Cocconi than
the lifestyle they embellished. His living room was bare but for a stereo
on the floor and two racing bikes; every Sunday that the weather permitted
he rode ten miles uphill into the San Gabriel mountains, as intense and
independent at play as he was at work. No real meal had likely ever been
cooked in his narrow, gloomy kitchen. Forced eventually to tear himself
away from his computer, Cocconi would sate his hunger with a can of
sardines, his mind on his work as he ate at a dingy, formica-topped table
that also accommodated a small black-and-white television. He had a
girlfriend, but in his personal life, as with his work, he seemed to need
a strong measure of independence. He was clearly too absorbed to be
lonely; he seemed too absorbed to lead any other life but the one he was
leading in this small house, navigating the boundaries of analog
electronics--a life of the mind for which he had been prepared, to an
unusual degree, since childhood, as the son of not one, but two, nuclear
scientists.
By the time Cocconi brought his case over to AeroVironment, there was a
car to look at, its curves captured in fiberglass body panels. Brooks and
his team had agreed on fiberglass because the car was, after all, merely a
proof-of-concept vehicle. But they wanted the fiberglass to have the
contours, the feel, and even the weight of spot-welded aluminum. Aluminum
body panels, the designers felt, were what a real electric vehicle would
have some day.
Wally Rippel, a longtime EV advocate and friend of the AeroVironment
team, worked freelance with a local motor house to design the induction
motor and gears. At Delco Remy, Bish and a partner, Terry Poorman, froze
battery cases and plates to 0 degrees Fahrenheit, then chilled electrolyte
mats down to 40 degrees before sliding them between the plates.* The car
that AeroVironment called Santana was coming together, but its schedule of
creation had slipped precipitously. In July 1989, Brooks reported to
Runkle that he would need more than five months to finish the job. He was
in for a surprise. Roger Smith, the car's greatest skeptic, had grown so
excited by its progress reports that he'd decided to unveil it at the L.A.
auto show in early January. This was not, among his colleagues, a popular
decision.
Did Smith realize, they asked weakly, what effect such an introduction
might have on the harebrained California regulators? If GM said an
electric car could be done, why, the regulators might make them do it,
failing to appreciate, as usual, the difference between a proof-of-concept
vehicle and a fully productionized car. Besides, why share the project's
hard-won technological secrets? One after another of the car's
enthusiastic supporters counseled Smith to keep Project Santana a secret,
at least for a while. Stempel. Reuss. Runkle. Atwood. Cheerfully, Smith
waved away their fears. "Most engineers would still be working on the 1971
Chevrolet if someone hadn't grabbed it away from them," he explained
later. "I just figured it was time to get this thing out of the chute."
So began the real crunch, night after late night. The car's fiberglass
frame and body were hand assembled, part by part. Molds for the car's
windows were sent to the Pennsylvania supplier that would make them--then
sent back again and again by Federal Express as Brooks discovered just how
complex windows could be. First they failed to fit. Then, when he set them
in their door frames, rolled them halfway down, and shut the doors, they
broke. One night, Brooks broke four side windows and gave up. The Santana
would simply make do with fixed glass.
At 1:00 a.m. on the morning of November 28, 1989, a strange sight
rolled out of a back entrance of the AeroVironment building into a dark
alley. A doorless shell of raw green fiberglass on wheels, it rolled with
a slight whine, but no engine noise, to the end of the alley and back. It
wasn't a car yet. But its batteries and inverter and motor all worked.
Thrilled, the engineers took turns whipping around the parking lot with
squeals of burning rubber. Every time it took off, the car pinned the
delighted driver against his seat. A gas engine took a few long seconds to
reach its peak power. This thing flew forward as fast as the current could
reach the wheels, which was to say, instantly.
As soon as its doors were affixed, the car was taken by flatbed truck
to GM's desert proving grounds in Mesa, Arizona. It weighed in at a
remarkably light 2,200 pounds, including its 843 pounds of batteries. On
the track, it jumped from 0--60 in 7.9 seconds--faster than such sporty
gas cars as a Mazda Miata or Nissan 300 ZX--and quickly reached 75 miles
per hour, the top speed allowed by its controller software. On a highway
range test, it went 124 miles at 55 miles per hour; on an urban range
test, one with lots of stopping and starting to simulate city traffic, it
did nearly as well. That was extraordinary. A gas car had at least a
300-mile range on the open road. In the city, however, its range was
sharply diminished as it idled at stops and used extra fuel to accelerate.
Slowing, the Santana car recouped energy from its regen braking. Stopped,
it consumed no energy at all.
The show car's windows remained fixed, its suspension and handling were
terrible, and it lacked amenities and such safety features as air bags.
Despite these and other drawbacks, it worked. A paint crew sanded the car
and gave it a first coat of silver, making it look that much more real so
a video could be made the next day for the L.A. auto show. As it was
rolled out in front of the camera, a GM PR man stopped the action and
pointed to the license plate the AeroVironment team had added to its rear
bumper. "The Future Is Electric," the plate announced. "That'll have to
go," the PR man declared. "It's too strong a statement." The young
engineers were taken aback. Did GM believe in electric cars, or didn't it?
On January 3, 1990, after two weeks of intensive sanding and
repainting, the now sleekly silver show car was brought to Hughes
corporate headquarters in Los Angeles where Roger Smith was to introduce
it to journalists as a preview to the auto show. The backdrop was chosen
to disprove critics who still claimed Hughes an awkward fit with GM, but
the Hughes executives were somewhat embarrassed about that: Hughes had
contributed nothing to the car.
During the car's transformation from ugly duckling to shiny show car,
its name, along with its color, had changed. In the course of a routine
copyright check, GM's lawyers had discovered that Santana was registered
in Europe as a Volkswagen model. The AeroVironment team came up with
alternatives, including, from Cocconi, "Escape," an acronym for Electric
Sports Car and Pollution Eliminator. None was accepted.
Either Chuck Jordan, the GM vice president of design, or Don Runkle,
both up at the Tech Center, came up with the name GM adopted--the credit,
or blame, was never clearly attached to one or the other. Brooks and the
rest of the AeroVironment team were dismayed by the choice, but there was
no time to appeal it. The car was now the Impact, for the impact it would
have on the world--a name that with its obvious double entendre
immediately robbed the homely Edsel and hapless Studebaker of their
distinction as the worst names in the history of automobiles. The next
night, Johnny Carson would become the first, but by no means last, to
ridicule the choice. "What next," Carson asked, "the Ford Whiplash?"
An hour before the event, Roger Smith and his retinue swept into the
Hughes basement for the chairman's first look at the show car. Smith was
delighted by it, but declined Brooks's invitation to give it a test spin
around the basement. "I'm sure it'll be fine," he declared.
Brooks swallowed hard. The Impact did take a little getting used to;
the regen braking would feel new. What if Smith got confused at the wheel
and floored the wrong pedal? "Sir, perhaps you should just give it a
whirl," Brooks suggested.
Smith seemed taken aback, but then shrugged and slid in behind the
wheel. With Brooks in the passenger seat, he drove around the basement a
minute or two. "What's that sound?" he said suspiciously. Brooks listened.
There was some sort of scraping sound.
"You'll get that fixed by showtime, right?" Smith said. As soon as
Smith and the others had left, Brooks slid under the car. The sound seemed
to be coming from under the front wheels, but no obvious suspect presented
itself. Hurriedly, a pit crew of mechanics jacked up the car and pulled
off the wheels. Nothing. Only when the wheels were replaced did a mechanic
notice one of the aluminum disc brakes rubbing against a tire. With a
Swiss army knife he set to filing the disc. By the time Smith reappeared,
the disc no longer rubbed.
The Hughes press conference was a great success--especially for Smith,
who dominated it. The next day, the chairman appeared with the car at the
L.A. auto show and again basked in the glow of public excitement. Never
mind that the car was as far from being production-ready as a child's
plastic model, that its very appearance as an aluminum car was an
illusion, that it remained too unrefined for reporters to drive. After
another tough year of dwindling market share and closing factories, Smith
seemed almost intoxicated by all the approbation.
To the minds of the AeroVironment engineers, Smith also seemed to feel
that GM had wrought this wondrous toy with only the barest assist from
some unnamed R&D firm. Wally Rippel, for one, was shocked by the video
accompanying the display. No credit was given to AeroVironment. The "GM
engineers" shown in their white lab coats at the Tech Center were actors.
The test-track scenes in Mesa showed other white-coated engineers who were
actually Brooks and Cocconi, induced by the filmmakers to act as unnamed
GMers; Cocconi's role involved holding a stopwatch as the car roared by.
MacCready, taking the long view, reasoned that in making electric
vehicles seem real, Impact had hastened the arrival of real alternative
vehicles by five years. Who cared if GM took most of the credit?
Fortuitously, too, AeroVironment would be granted a long-term contract
from GM to conduct an ongoing skunkworks of future automobiles. In fact,
MacCready was less interested now in electrics than in hybrids, which
might offset the limited range of their battery packs with a small engine
as a second source of power. Though the engine, presumably powered by some
fossil fuel, would keep the hybrid from being entirely emission-free, its
small size would make it nearly so, and the much increased range would
make it, MacCready thought, a far more practical car of the future than
the electric. With Impact, he'd really just wanted to show how fuel
economy could be dramatically improved with very lightweight structures.
But Smith was too dazzled by the flashbulbs to let Impact go at that.
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